1999 Land Use Plan New Orleans City Planning Commission

Chapter Two (Continued)   Citywide Development History  Citywide Development Assets  Current Land Use and Demographics  Recommendations and Solutions Presented in the 1999 Land Use Plan  Promotion of Residential Integrity Concentration of Commercial Corridors Implementation of Mixed-Use Categories Reduction of Non-Conforming Uses Centralization of Industrial Land Use Increase of Green Space and Recreational Areas Mechanism to Organize Neighborhoods

Although the rate of income increase in New Orleans since 1990 is below the rate in the cities used for comparison, the average household income is somewhat higher than the other cities in the Southeast region. Atlanta is one notable exception both because the projected 2002 income is 26% higher than in New Orleans and because Atlanta's average household income in 1980 was below that of New Orleans.

It must be noted that average household income in many areas of New Orleans actually declined between 1980 and 1990 in constant dollars. As a part of the background work prepared for the Strategic Land Use Plan to Revise the CZO, Dr. Tim Ryan completed an Economic and Demographic Analysis of the city's 72 neighborhoods, which indicated a majority of the population in eleven of the neighborhoods live under the poverty level (1990 Census) and an additional 28 neighborhoods have poverty rates above 30%. In 1997 average household income in the city's public housing developments ranged from $5,000 to $6,000 per year. In neighborhoods such as Tremé and Central City the figure is just above $10,000. Thousands of households in New Orleans earn less than two-thirds of the national poverty level.

The continuing drop in population, combined with middle-class suburban flight, has left many areas of the city with a severe blighted housing problem. The number of vacant housing units citywide nearly doubled from 1980 to 1990, accounting for 16.6% of the city's housing stock in 1990. In areas surrounding the Central Business District and Vieux Carré the problem is even worse, with the figure exceeding 20% in neighborhoods such as Central City and St. Claude.

The following two tables offer statistics about Planning Districts. The first includes population and average household income statistics; the second has information about land use and housing units.

Planning District Statistics: Population and Average Household Income

*In 1997 Dollars Source: Claritas, Marketquest System

Large increases in household income in Districts Three (Uptown) and Five (Lakeview) have fueled a citywide increase of 23%. Districts One (CBD and Vieux Carré) and Thirteen (English Turn) have also experienced dramatic increases in income due to adaptation of the buildings in the Warehouse District to residential use and the construction of the English Turn subdivision.

Planning District Statistics: Land Area and Vacant Housing Units*

*The most recent data is from the 1990 Census, and will be revised according to figures determined during Census 2000. This data will be available in 2001 -- a date that neatly fits the 2-year reviewing cycle the City Planning Commission has designated for all elements of the city's Master Plan. Source: Claritas, Marketquest System

Only District 13 saw the percentage of vacant housing units decrease; however, as the previous table showed, this district's population was only 491 people in 1997. These two tables indicate four districts that experienced the worst effects of the 1980-1990 period. These include three that surround downtown-Two, Four, and Seven-and District Eight, the Lower Ninth Ward. While redevelopment stimulated average household income in District Two (Central City/Garden District) by nearly 30%, the district lost 32% of its population and vacancies more than doubled. Districts Four (Mid-City) and Seven (from Marigny to Desire) experienced significant losses in population and reduction in average household income; in these areas the vacancy rates doubled. District Eight enjoyed a slight increase in income, although average household income remains less than 60 percent of the city's average income of $41,196. District Eight lost 22.7% of its population while vacancies have nearly doubled to 17.3%.

The average household income in New Orleans is only 80 percent of the national average of $50,540. And while the vacancy rate in New Orleans was not much different from the rate in comparable central cities in 1980, and while all these selected cities saw an increase in vacancy rates between 1980 and 1990, New Orleans had the largest percentage of vacancies in 1990. The following table shows these figures, and also shows the percentage of owner- and renter-occupied units.

Comparative Central City Vacancy and Occupancy Statistics

Source: Claritas, Marketquest System

It is worth repeating that the most recent data for these statistics is the 1990 Census, and the effects of various initiatives to reduce vacant units and to increase home ownership can best be measured when the Census 2000 is complete. However, the table helps explain the pre-eminent importance New Orleanians placed on maintaining the integrity of residential neighborhoods: during the ten-year period beginning in 1980, citizens watched the number of vacant properties double in many neighborhoods. The table also explains the frequency with which residents mention "absentee" landlords: the percentage of homeowners in New Orleans is the second lowest reported, with only San Francisco having fewer units occupied by their owners.

In addition to vacant housing, vacant commercial and industrial properties exist in many areas of the city. Vacant commercial and industrial property takes up large tracts of land in Districts Two, Four, Six, Seven, Nine and Twelve. Declining maritime activity in Districts Two and Seven has left large tracts of abandoned warehouses and surface parking lots along with derelict wharves. Declining retail activity in Districts Six, Nine and Twelve created vacant or half-vacant shopping complexes. The former Southern Pacific Railroad yard in Algiers remains a poorly maintained grassy area with potential environmental remediation needed prior to any redevelopment.

Redevelopment projects such as the New Orleans 2000 mixed use development in District Two, the shopping center revitalization in District Nine, and the NOCCA redevelopment in District Seven are expected to lead to a reduction in vacant commercial and industrial land, often with new uses. Derelict or underutilized cargo wharves between Jackson and Poland Avenues on the East Bank of the River are not likely to return to active maritime use. In each instance, and in every future instance of the Dock Board's abandoning wharves from maritime activity, the future use of these wharves must be determined through a series of meaningful discussions to identify uses that provide benefit to the city as a whole as well as to nearby neighborhoods.

This discussion and comparison with other cities confirms what was found in the Strategic Plan to Revise the CZO, and that is affirmed in every quarterly report from the University of New Orleans about economic growth. The City of New Orleans will at best enjoy slow and steady growth of its economy. Dramatic change is unlikely, which is reassuring to most citizens who like where they live and have confidence and pride in the values of this historic and unusual city. In terms of land use, these facts mean that progress will come at a steady pace. And this means that the 1999 Land Use Plan must offer strategies that maximize the potential of each development to make a positive contribution toward the future that citizens want to see come about.

Recommendations and Solutions Presented in the 1999 Land Use Plan

During the process of creating this plan, citizens identified four problem areas having to do with how land is currently used in the city. The four areas are:

Problem Area 1. Integrity of residential neighborhoods is threatened by intrusion of incompatible commercial and industrial uses.

Problem Area 2. Inadequate protection and enhancement of existing neighborhoods where there is a pleasing mixture of different land uses. There is a lack of vision and workable guidelines for redevelopment of certain obsolete industrial, warehousing or commercial sites as a mixture of compatible land uses.

Problem Area 3. Insufficient green space and recreation areas, especially along the Mississippi River.

Problem Area 4. Inadequate neighborhood participation in the city's decision-making process regarding development and redevelopment.

Citizens believed that if these problems were solved, New Orleans would be a more livable city. That is, the complementary effect of solving each of these problems would result in a slowing of population loss, reduction of blighted property, and a reliable land use decision-making process. Through the process of developing the land use plan, we found consensus in the community that using the following seven solutions/recommendations can solve these four problem areas:

1) Promotion of residential integrity;

2) Concentration of neighborhood and regional commercial corridors;

3) Implementation of mixed use categories, meeting the special needs of unique areas of the city;

4) Reduction of non-conforming uses;

5) Centralization of industrial land uses

6) Increase of green space and recreational opportunities, especially along the Mississippi River; create development standards that require landscaping, particularly along residential areas and public right-of-ways;

7) Create a mechanism to organize neighborhood participation in future land use decisions.

The next few paragraphs discuss each of these solutions/recommendations more completely.

1) Promotion of Residential Integrity

Citizens of New Orleans unanimously agreed that all future changes should preserve and revitalize residential neighborhoods throughout the city. This aspiration was an explicit consideration contained in each of the other six solutions that will be described below. Centralizing industrial uses, concentrating commercial activity on major thoroughfares, encouraging mixed use with design overlays, adding green space for residents, reducing non-conforming uses, and creating a mechanism for neighborhood participation all were understood as likely to improve the quality of residential life in the city. Where residential areas were healthy, residents were especially keen on strategies that would keep them that way; where residential areas were blighted, citizens expressed single-minded concern that effective policies be developed which targeted deteriorating, vacant and blighted properties.

This plan advances general strategies for revitalization, specifically recognizing the myriad efforts by community-based organizations and not-for-profit providers to respond to the needs of citizens or neighborhoods that fall outside the eligibility requirements for federal funding. As well, the plan encourages continuing the efforts of the Housing Authority of New Orleans and supports the guidelines of the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development to reduce densities in public housing developments by relocating some of its residents. These efforts are predicated on the idea that integrating poorer residents into the larger city -- rather than isolating them as in the past -- will positively affect the entire community. Certainly, rehabilitating blighted structures and developing vacant lots strengthens neighborhoods and serves the goal of integrating public housing residents into the larger community. However, as with residents of any neighborhood, public housing residents often have strong ties to their community. Relocation is likely to be seen as an insensitive policy unless it is undertaken with the consent and participation of the affected individuals.

2) Concentration of Commercial Corridors

The 1999 Land Use Plan proposes focusing commercial activities -- both neighborhood and regional -- around major roadways and street intersections. Focusing these activities will reduce commercial pressure on residential areas and it can reduce the incidence of spot zoning which is prevalent in New Orleans at present. (Spot zoning refers to the practice of zoning a lot or parcel of land to permit a use incompatible with surrounding land uses; this practice confers special treatment to benefit a particular owner, and is not a proper use of a municipality's power to authorize land uses.) Centralization of commercial development also directs future commercial growth to areas most able to provide adequate parking and traffic support. In specific areas, commercial uses have been limited to neighborhood services which are expected to have little negative impact on the surrounding residential community. Encouraging large-scale development in appropriate areas of the city will stimulate economic growth through job development, retail spending and tax generation.

3) Implementation of Mixed Use Categories

Mixed use is a dull bit of jargon used to describe innovative development strategies that encourage a flexible mix of residential, commercial and industrial uses. These strategies are appropriate when they are based on principles of compatibility developed within a neighborhood. One type of mixed use strategy preserves the existing urban fabric and cultural traditions of historic districts that already have different types of land uses sited next to each other. The strategy is to allow the mixture to continue. Other mixed use strategies sponsor development of vacant parcels or redevelopment of obsolete manufacturing buildings by allowing a combination of uses which complement one another. Still another mixed use strategy proposes different uses in a newly-developing, geographically-limited area.

For example, a derelict warehouse building can be used in a variety of ways: small retail shops can be on the ground floor, apartments and studios can be above. The building, now containing a useful variety of activities, is preserved and put into commerce by the strategy known as "mixed use." The phrase also describes an urban strategy which allows single-family houses to stand next to small grocery shops or antique dealers, and which encourages pedestrian level development akin to that found in the traditional city core.

Based upon the comments received during the creation of this plan, two mixed use categories have been designed for specific areas of the city: Neighborhood- and Urban- Scale. Neighborhood-scale mixed use is characterized by services such as corner grocery, barber shop and neighborhood coffee shop, small-scale structures, and low to moderate population density. There are two sub-categories: predominantly residential and predominantly commercial. Urban-scale mixed use is characterized by office and retail space, non-polluting light manufacturing, moderate to high density housing, and larger scale structures. Urban-scale mixed use is appropriate for redeveloping areas of declining industrial or commercial use, especially warehouses and downtown buildings with architectural or historical quality. There are two sub-categories: large-scale (the Warehouse District, New Orleans 2000, American Can Company) and small-scale (appropriate riverfront areas in Algiers, St. Thomas, and Marigny/Bywater). It is important to note that these land use categories are only broadly defined here, and will require specific refinement through the zoning process before they are implemented.

In the 1999 Land Use Plan, mixed use categories are found in selected areas, especially where mixed uses traditionally occurred: Magazine Street, the Vieux Carré, St. Claude Avenue, Freret Street, Canal Street, Dryades and Oretha Castle Haley Boulevard, and the Riverbend area of Carrollton Avenue -- in addition to those mentioned above. Because of its unique history and qualities, the Vieux Carré has characteristics of both neighborhood-scale and urban-scale mixed use.

4) Reduction of Non-Conforming Uses

Throughout the current land use map, areas exist where commercial or industrial uses are haphazardly interspersed through residential neighborhoods. These "non-conformities" -- a name which refers to the fact of their not conforming with surrounding land uses -- arise from two primary sources. First, historical development patterns have placed industrial and commercial uses (in many cases abandoned) in areas now surrounded by residential neighbors. Secondly, many illegal non-conforming uses gain legal status after operating for two years with city knowledge but without city enforcement.

While some of these odd juxtapositions are exciting and dynamic parts of the urban scene (just as the mixed use areas described above can be), many of the non-conforming uses contribute to the land use conflicts citizens report. In the proposed land use map, these non-conformities have been removed, pursuant to what citizens reported during the workshops, to be replaced by the area's prevalent land use type. In the case of non-conforming uses that contribute to dynamism that neighbors enjoy, the planning process described below as the seventh solution developed in the workshops will provide a mechanism to allow their continuance.

5) Centralization of Industrial Land Uses 

In the 1999 Land Use Plan, industrial land uses, especially heavy industry, have been centralized near the Industrial Canal, the Desire/Agriculture Street Landfill area and the Intracoastal Waterway. This centralization will stimulate further economic development and industrial investment into the city. Some light industrial uses have been retained in the city's core, although with a reduction in total acreage. Future light industrial uses allowed in the city's center should include only those with a minimal impact on nearby residential areas.

As such, much of the land formerly used for heavy industry in Central City and along former rail corridors has been downgraded to light industry and regional commercial, reflecting appropriate uses for areas near dense residential development. Declining industrial areas along the Mississippi River have also been changed to encourage the levee's opening for future use as green space and mixed use development. Centralization of industrial uses provides for future infrastructure development with minimal intrusion and impact on residentially viable areas.

6) Increase of Green Space and Recreational Areas

Green space and recreational areas have been added in the 1999 Land Use Plan with the intention of creating greater public access to the Mississippi River and Lake Pontchartrain waterfront. Changes are proposed for areas currently under used by the controlling authority, the Port of New Orleans, such as the levee area between Jackson Avenue and the Port Building at Henderson Street, and the area between the wharves at Esplanade Avenue and Poland Street. Additionally, green space has been interspersed throughout neighborhoods lacking parks and added as buffers to reduce land use conflicts. An increase in green space will be accommodated in part by the reconfiguration of industrial uses to a centralized area.

7) Create a mechanism to organize neighborhood participation in future land use decisions.

The 1999 Land Use Plan proposes creating a mechanism to organize community participation in the city's development process. Under ideal conditions, residents of each planning district would participate in a formal manner with the Planning Commission to address future changes in specific land uses, especially when a currently non-conforming use proposes to undergo expansion or a change in ownership. Such a mechanism would allow residents to actively participate in the planning process and ensure community support for land use changes.

These seven policy recommendations/proposed solutions were formulated through a process that synthesized citizen input with general principles of urban planning. Citizens of New Orleans expressed strong support for changing areas of the city where land use conflicts adversely affect the quality of life for residents. The 1999 Plan poses solutions to these problems based upon an interactive discussion among citizens, informed by professional planners' advice and the City Planning Commission's knowledge of developments, economic trends and demographic forecasts for the city.

The physical result of achieving these goals is graphically presented as the Proposed Land Use Plan, which appears on the facing page. Because New Orleans is so large, the scale of this map is small; in the subsequent chapters of the plan, larger scale maps of each Planning District are included for easier reference.

 

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Planning Districts 1 - 13

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